First Person | A Just Peace Plan
The idea of the United States of Israel and Palestine is worth fantasising about

Making good on his February 2025 promise of turning Gaza into the ‘Riviera of the Middle East’, real estate magnate-turned-US President Donald Trump unveiled his 20-point peace plan on 30 September 2025. Encompassing military, political and humanitarian aspects, Trump’s plan hinges entirely on Hamas’ total compliance. Described in one sentence, the plan seeks to bring to Gaza the same demilitarised status as West Bank, without the pretence of limited self-governance, which will be provided by an international consortium with chairman Trump at the helm. The plan makes no demands on Israel’s government, which is regarded as reactive (to Hamas’ terrorism), but reasonable.
The failure of
the plan is written in its conception because it refuses to recognise that as
more powerful of the two antagonists—Benjamin Netanyahu’s government and
Hamas—conflict and peace depend entirely on the former. Moreover, Trump and his
advisors, either seem to believe or deliberately want to project to their
audience that Palestinians of Gaza are different from those in the West Bank. Hence,
Israeli military provocations on one part should not affect the other part.
When you choose to misdiagnosis the problem, your solution can neither be
honourable, nor sustainable.
While
announcing his peace plan (with heart firmly set on the Nobel Peace candy),
Trump drew upon the support of the Muslim world to add weight to his fantasies.
The self-serving Arabs, opportunist Indians and forked-tongued Pakistanis
complied, welcoming the plan. Clearly, everyone wants to assuage their guilt of
complicity in the genocide in Gaza. Hence, any possibility of peace is welcome,
even if it’s the peace of mass graveyards and silence of speared infants. But,
with its newly acquired stature of being the leading Muslim power of the world,
Pakistan realises that it must humour everyone, while furthering its national
interests—a strategy mastered by General Pervez Musharraf during US’ Operation
Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. Hence, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif
wholeheartedly welcomed Trump’s plan, but foreign minister Ishaq Dar made it
clear that this was not the plan which Pakistan had proposed.
Meanwhile, Hamas
has expressed its willingness to discuss the ceasefire as well as exchange of
hostages and prisoners. Drawn from the people of Gaza, Hamas, whatever Israel
or the US may call it, is mindful of the core that supports it and looks up to
it. Even as Israel has been pummelling Gaza since 7 October 2023, political
leadership of Hamas has engaged in peace talks with mediators like the US,
Egypt and Qatar. One such negotiations led to the brief ceasefire in January
2025, which Israel continued to violate on some pretext or the other, with its
military operations continuing in Gaza. The pretence of the ceasefire ended in
a few weeks.
Hamas
leadership was once again engaged in peace talks in Qatar in September when
Israel used the opportunity to assassinate them by firing missiles into Doha. While
the Hamas’ chief negotiator, Khalil al-Hayya survived, his son didn’t. Now he
is going to Egypt to once again explore the possibility of cessation of Israeli
military operations and relief for the people of Gaza, following Trump’s plan,
despite the Doha experience. And true to form, even on the eve of the talks,
scheduled for October 6, Israel killed over 16 Palestinian civilians in Gaza in
its unceasing attacks.
Why is Hamas
repeatedly agreeing to negotiate peace with Israel despite the risk such talks
pose to its leadership? The answer is simple. Hamas is not a rogue terrorist
organisation. It ran a democratically elected government in Gaza, and it
believes that it will always have a political role to play there, no matter
what Trump fantasises. The people of Gaza have also seen Hamas resisting
Israel’s unilateral outrages, unlike the Palestinian Authority in West Bank,
which, comprising a bunch of emasculated old people led by 90-year-old Mahmoud
Abbas neither protect its territory, nor its people from Israel’s depredations.
According to a
report issued by the United Nations, between June and September 2025 alone,
Israeli Parliament approved building of ‘20,810 housing units in the occupied
West Bank’. In the same period, 455 Palestinian structures (a quaint way to
refer to tenements of the poor) were demolished in West Bank as they were
deemed illegal by Israeli government. So, what exactly is the role of Abbas’
government is a mystery.
Another
mystery is the belated recognition of the State of Palestine by several western
governments. Where exactly does this State of Palestine exist? In the
pockmarked West Bank where citizens of Israel operate with full impunity and
Abbas only wrings his hands helplessly? Or in the battle-scorched Gaza, which
Trump dreams of turning into a ‘deradicalised terror-free zone’?
Just as
recognition of the State of Palestine is a joke, so is Trump’s peace plan. The
truth is, there can be no two States in the territory formerly known as
Palestine and now recognised as Israel. The Israeli regime, whether it’s the
present or the ones before it, will never allow even a defanged Palestinian entity
to exist. Any land recognised as Palestine is real estate for them to occupy
for its population. And even if the notional State of Palestine was allowed to
exist, it’s power differential vis a vis Israel will ensure that it is always
vulnerable. Since neither accountability nor penalty is imposed upon Israel, it
operates with brazen impunity and will continue to do so. Given this, even the
so-called ‘independent,’ and ‘democratic’ Palestine will have no choice but to
resist Israel’s actions through asymmetric means, which will be described as
terrorism by the latter. Hamas or no Hamas, as long as Israeli impunity
remains, resistance will continue in one form or the other.
The only sustainable
long-term solution is one secular, democratic, multiparty, federal State--something
akin to the United States of Israel and Palestine. In this nation, the Palestinian
political parties must be recognised and allowed to contest elections, just as
Israeli parties do, both at the national as well as provincial levels. The way
international community imposed restrictions on the South African apartheid
regime, Israeli regime must be penalised for its treatment of Palestinian
people. The world must stop arming Israel, until it recognises Palestinian
citizens as equal.
The only good
thing about Trump’s plan is the proposal for an ‘Interfaith dialogue’ to
‘promote values of tolerance and peaceful co-existence.’ Radicalised Israelis
need to undergo intense deradicalisation. They need to learn to treat all human
beings as equal and differentiate between mythology and history. Along with the
ceasefire, this should be the thing to focus on. Once this happens, Israelis
and Palestinians should be encouraged to discuss their political future; if
need be, under the benign gaze of chairman Trump. Who knows what comes out of
it.
Sure, this is
a fantasy. But it’s worth pursuing, because it is built on ideas of justice and
equality. As Ahmed Faraz wrote, ‘Kahaniya
hi sahi, sab mubalge hi sahi/ agar woh khwab hai, tabeer kar ke dekhtain hain’
(So what if it’s a fantasy, let’s work on it).
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