Naxalism Endgame

Modi’s dream of wiping out LWE by 2026 is finally coming true

Subhashis Mittra

As the year 2025 draws to a close, the ministry of home affairs (MHA) will have reasons to smile about its claims on ending decades-long Maoist insurgency. Having set a deadline of 31 March 2026, to eliminate Left Wing Extremism (LWE), the MHA has drawn up plans to launch coordinated anti-Maoist operations in the three vulnerable districts which still show traces of extremist violence.

Taking pride in pointing out that red terror has shrunk from 125 districts to just three in 11 years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently declared that ‘the day is not far’ when every nook and corner of the country will be free from Maoist insurgency—dubbed as India’s ‘greatest internal security threat’ by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2009.

Modi’s remarks reinforced Union home minister Amit Shah’s target to end Maoist insurgency by 31 March 2026, through a twin strategy of intelligence-led security action and accelerated development in tribal regions. Shah has ruled out talks with armed groups, urging them to surrender and join the mainstream under the government’s rehabilitation policy. The PM too cited a series of recent surrenders.

The large number of surrenders indicates that the violent political movement that goes back to the late Sixties is on the verge of collapse. Though the Centre has set March 31 as the deadline to eliminate the Maoist movement—presently active mainly in the forested areas of central India—it might fizzle out even before the targeted date.

Since CPI (Maoist) General Secretary Nambala Keshav Rao, alias Basavaraju, was killed in police action in Chhattisgarh in May, the political group has been in disarray. Many more have been killed in encounters with security forces, and many cadres have surrendered. The surrender of Mallojula Venugopal Rao (alias Sonu) in Gadchiroli (Maharashtra) is considered as a significant moment in the decline of LWE in the country.

The movement itself is divided, with a section advocating surrender. The Maoist brass has been thinning rapidly due to the Centre’s push and internal rifts. The Maoists, also called Naxalites, broke away from the CPM in 1967 and have since been waging a war against the Indian State. It had survived the setbacks in West Bengal, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar between the Seventies and Nineties, only to regroup as a potent force in central India in the 2000s.

Over the last decade, the coordinated efforts of security forces and development initiatives of the government have led to a significant fall in Naxal-related violence. Between 2004–14 and 2014–24, violent incidents dropped from 16,463 to 7,744, deaths of security personnel fell from 1,851 to 509, and civilian deaths declined from 4,766 to 1,495.

In 2025 alone, security forces neutralised 270 Naxals, arrested 680, and facilitated 1,225 surrenders. Major operations such as Operation Black Forest and mass surrenders in Bijapur (Chhattisgarh) and Maharashtra underline growing confidence among insurgents to rejoin mainstream life.

The Centre has transformed India’s counter-Naxal strategy through an integrated approach combining security, development and rehabilitation. Abandoning fragmented responses of the past, the government adopted a unified plan rooted in dialogue, security and coordination, aiming to make all affected districts Naxal-free by March 31. This approach focuses equally on law enforcement efficiency, capacity building, and social integration, marking a paradigm shift from reactive containment to proactive elimination.

The government’s focus on security infrastructure has been pivotal. In the last decade, 576 fortified police stations have been built, and 336 new security camps have been established in the last six years. The number of Naxal-affected districts reduced from 126 in 2014 to 18 in 2024, with only six districts now categorised as most-affected. The expansion of night-landing helipads (68 constructed) has improved mobility and response times during operations.

Security agencies are now using cutting-edge technologies to ensure precise monitoring and analysis of Naxal activity. Tools such as location tracking, mobile data analysis, scientific call log examination, and social media analysis are being deployed for close observation of Naxal movements. Support from various forensic and technical institutes has further strengthened intelligence gathering and improved operational efficiency. Additionally, drone surveillance, satellite imaging, and AI-based data analytics are being effectively utilised to enhance monitoring and strategic planning.

Strategies to dismantle Naxal finance networks: Financial networks sustaining Naxalism have been systematically dismantled. A special unit within the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has seized assets worth over Rs 40 crore, while Enforcement Directorate (ED) operations led to confiscations worth Rs 12 crore. States have also seized properties worth Rs 40 crore. Additionally, urban Naxals have suffered significant moral and psychological setbacks, leading to a decline in their capacity for information warfare.

Capacity building and state support: Empowering state forces has been a cornerstone of the government’s Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) policy. Under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, Rs 3,331 crore was released to LWE-affected states over the past 11 years, marking a 155 per cent increase compared to the previous decade. The Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS) entailing a total expenditure of Rs 991 crore was approved for strengthening state special forces, special intelligence branches, and the construction of Fortified Police Stations.

Since 2017–18, projects worth Rs 1,741 crore have been approved, and over Rs 445 crore released. Under Special Central Assistance (SCA), Rs 3,769 crore was dedicated to developmental projects in LWE districts, complemented by Rs 122.28 crore under Assistance to Central Agencies for camp infrastructure and Rs 12.56 crore for health facilities.

Infrastructure Development: Development of critical infrastructure has accelerated social and economic inclusion in Naxal-affected areas.

Road Connectivity: Between 2014 and 2025, over 12,000 km of roads were completed, with Rs 20,815 crore approved for 17,589 km of total construction.

Mobile Connectivity: The expansion of mobile connectivity in LWE-affected areas has been implemented in two phases. Under Phase I, 2,343 (2G) towers were constructed at a cost of Rs 4,080 crore. In Phase II, 2,542 (4G) towers were sanctioned with an investment of Rs 2,210 crore in September-October 2022, out of which 1,139 have become operational. Additionally, 8,527 (4G) towers have been approved for LWE-affected regions. Under the Aspirational Districts Plan, 2,556 of the 4,281 approved towers are functional, while under the 4G Saturation Plan, 2,602 out of 4,246 towers are operational.

Financial Inclusion and Accessibility: As many as 1,007 bank branches, 937 ATMs, and 37,850 banking correspondents have been established. As many as 5,899 post offices now operate across 90 districts, ensuring that every five km, citizens have access to postal and financial services.

Education and Skill Development: Under Kaushal Vikas Yojana, Rs 495 crore was sanctioned to set up 48 Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) and 61 Skill Development Centres (SDCs) in 48 districts, of which 46 ITIs and 49 SDCs are operational. These institutions are providing new livelihood opportunities to the youth transitioning from conflict to development.

Security and Enforcement: A total of 108 cases have been investigated, resulting in 87 charge sheets filed so far. The Bastariya Battalion, formed in 2018, comprises 1,143 recruits, including 400 youth from Bijapur, Sukma, and Dantewada districts, symbolising local participation and trust-building in security operations.

Neutralising Naxal Network, Reclaiming Areas, and Ensuring Rehabilitation: Through sustained security operations and focused intelligence-based strategies, the Government has reclaimed several areas once under LWE influence for over three decades. The ‘Trace, Target, Neutralise’ approach has been central to this success, enabling forces to identify and eliminate key Naxal leaders and disrupt their command structure. Operations such as Octopus, Double Bull, and Chakrabandha have achieved remarkable success in the fight against Naxalism, with the establishment of camps deep in remote areas.

As a result, regions like Budha Pahar, Parasnath, Baramsia, and Chakrabandha have been nearly freed from Left-Wing Extremism. Security forces have smashed Abujhmaad, the last major stronghold of the insurgents. Furthermore, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) was forced to abandon its core areas in Bijapur and Sukma. In 2024, the Naxals’ Tactical Counter-Offensive Campaign (TCOC) aimed against security forces failed due to the effectiveness of aggressive operations.

In 2024, security forces carried out 26 major encounters, resulting in the neutralisation of top Naxal cadres, including one Zonal Committee Member (ZCM), five Sub-Zonal Committee Members (SZCM), two State Committee Members (SCM), 31 Divisional Committee Members (DVCM), and 59 Area Committee Members (ACM). This systematic action has dismantled several core groups and restored peace and governance in previously affected regions.

Alongside security efforts, the government’s ‘Surrender and Rehabilitation Policy’ encourages cadres to return to mainstream society by offering livelihood and social support. In 2025, 521 LWE cadres have surrendered so far, and in the last two years, 1,053 surrenders have been recorded in Chhattisgarh. Moreover, rehabilitated cadres receive financial assistance of Rs 5 lakh (high-rank), Rs 2.5 lakh (mid/low-rank), and a Rs 10,000 monthly stipend for vocational training for 36 months, enabling them to rebuild their lives with dignity and stability.

Thus, India’s fight against Naxalism has evolved into a comprehensive campaign rooted in security, development, and social justice. Through a combination of robust infrastructure, cutting-edge technology, targeted enforcement, and compassionate rehabilitation, the government has transformed once-conflicted regions into hubs of opportunity.

With sustained momentum and cooperation between the centre and states, India is well on course to achieve its goal of becoming Naxal-free by March 2026, a testament to a decade of decisive governance and unwavering commitment to peace and development, remarked a senior home ministry official handling internal security.

Box

Headline: Dreaded Hidma Killed

Top functionary of CPI (Maoist) and commander of the outfit’s elite strike force Battalion One, Madvi Hidma was a ruthless tactician, holding huge influence on the cadre for more than three decades. His name sent shock waves across the thick forests of Bastar and Dandakaranya. No wonder, his death in an encounter in Andhra Pradesh is a major victory for the security forces. Fifty-one-year old Hidma was involved in some of the worst massacres by the ultras in the past couple of decades, including the 2010 Dantewada guerrilla attack that left 76 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel dead in one go.

As per intelligence reports, he was the mastermind behind 26 major attacks in Chhattisgarh, among them the Darbha Valley attack in which the Congress lost almost its entire state brass, including VC Shukla and Mahendra Karma. According to official data, Hidma was involved in the killings of 260 jawans and 81 civilians in all.

Investigators and field officers say Hidma developed a method of operational planning that relied on four to five-layered security, reconnaissance for dispersal after attack and the use of forest ridgelines to shield gunmen during ambushes. He used this approach in several major attacks attributed to him.

Rising from the ranks of a child recruit in Bal Sangham to the organisation’s top decision-making body, he called the shots in states like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha. From these states he carried a cumulative bounty of Rs 1.80 crore. Hidma, who represented the section that refused to forego armed struggle and join the political mainstream, was a resident of Puvarti on Sukma-Bijapur border. He belonged to the Muriya tribe.

Along with Hidma, his wife Madakam Raje (44) and four other Maoists were killed in a gunfight with the Andhra Pradesh police at Maredumilli forests of Alluri Sitarama Raju district on the tri-junction of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Odisha.

Union home minister Amit Shah had ordered security forces to eliminate Hidma by November 30. He was gunned down 12 days before the deadline. The elimination of Hidma adds to a series of setbacks for the Maoist high command.