Please bear with us for a few days. We are making ourselves better
Critical Lessons
Lt Gen. HJS Sachdev (retd)
Pahalgam terrorist incident
and Operation Sindoor, launched by India to avenge the deaths of innocent
Indians, has dominated the world stage for the last one month. The fact that
both the countries are nuclear states had the world on the edge since it was witnessing
the conflict in Gaza and its aftermath, which started in similar fashion as Operation
Sindoor. Legitimate questions popped up in everybody’s mind given the rhetoric
by political leaders and whipping up of passions in both countries.
Will it stretch beyond mere bombing of terrorist bases? Will it lead up
to nuclear flashpoint? However, the diabolical terrorist attack which stunned
the world on April 22 and launch of Operation Sindoor on May 7, came to a
grinding halt after three days of both sides engaging in high intensity air
warfare after the sensitive Pakistan air bases and air assets on ground
suffered extensive damage in Indian strikes.
The fog of war, which had engulfed the complete media space, has started
to settle down and perhaps it’s the right time to have a clear perspective of
what happened, why it happened, what it achieved, and the stakeholders involved
in the whole gamut. Perhaps this will enable us to foresee the future and answer
the question everybody is asking—has anything changed?
Events
leading up to the conflict
While the immediate trigger
for the targeted killings at Pahalgam could be attributed to the inflammatory
speech given by the Pakistan Chief of Army Staff (COAS), General (now Field
Marshal) Asim Munir, the turn of events actually started last year in a
different part of South Asia, i.e, Bangladesh!
Some time last year, the deep state of America allegedly tried to
extract St Martin island for a US base to counter China in the region and
perhaps make inroads into Myanmar given the unstable situation prevailing in the
country. The same was denied by the then Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh
Hasina.
Stung by the refusal, the US set into motion a tool-kit for regime
change and succeeded in creating unrest in the country leading to Sheikh Hasina
fleeing the country. And in her absence, an interim administrative arrangement
under Mohammad Yunus as chief advisor to the government—a de-facto head of the
State—was installed.
Evolving situation soon took a turn for the worse with Jamaat-e-Islami
(JEI), a hardline Muslim party taking over the battlefield. The resultant chaos
led to riots with targeted killings of Hindus and Awami League (AL) party
members. China taking advantage of the opportunity entered the fray—swiftly and
without fanfare. Exchange of delegations took place including JEI and Yunus.
Hardline approach of Yunus came to the fore in his anti-India stance on
every issue and peaked when he openly invited China to interfere in India’s northeastern
states, perhaps even taking it militarily.
Yunus even reached out to Pakistan militarily, politically and
economically and the visits of Pakistan military delegations including Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI) to the sensitive border areas opposite Siliguri Corridor
gave confidence to both Pakistan and China that they had India cornered.
The situation was ripe to up the ante. General Munir’s statement, driven
by his background and personal ambitions, may be seen in this context which led
to Pahalgam and subsequently to Operation Sindoor.
Operation
Sindoor
Prime Minister Narendra
Modi made his intentions clear a day after the Pahalgam attack in which he vowed
to bring the terrorists and the perpetrators in Pakistan (read army) to pay for
their crimes. The stage was set, anticipation took over the media space,
debates started on how and when, international community left aghast with the
killings initially urged both sides to exercise restraint keeping in mind the
nuclear status. Political bullying hit the sky in both the countries. Nuclear threats
started emanating from Pakistan. In India the political discourse led to a
point of frenzy where nothing short of total annihilation was expected.
Then on May 7, India targeted nine terrorist bases including Bahawalpur
and Muridke in the heart of Punjab province destroying the headquarters of
Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba respectively. Pakistan, anticipating action
opposite the Line of Control (LC), was taken by surprise by the sheer audacity
and precision strikes. Unable to accept loss of face, Pakistan responded.
The Conflict: The action on May 7 witnessed
through the fog of war was shrouded in a barrage of claims and denials by both
sides, with each claiming victory. However, Indian claims have upheld in the
days that followed. Airpower, often considered high up in the escalatory ladder,
was employed ab-initio. Pakistan’s response using modern day weapon systems
like drones was met with equally effective counter measures by India’s air defence.
Action on ground was limited to exchange fire across the LC with some damage to
both sides. Indian Navy played a part in attacking targets in the deep by
Brahmos missiles. India’s retaliation on May 10 against Pakistan’s airbases
especially Nur Khan (near Rawalpindi), Sargodha and Jacobabad caused extensive
damage to the infrastructure and air assets of Pakistan while still on ground. Jury
is still out on what happened at Kirana hills, triggering alarm bells of a
nuclear leak from the storage area of nuclear assets. Thus Pakistan stopped the
conflict in the face of India’s undeterred political resolve despite looming
nuclear threat and scale, speed and precision strikes by Indian armed forces.
There was sudden cessation of fire especially when India had the upper
hand and Pakistan was perceived by Indian public and some strategists as on the
verge of being down and out. Why was the knockout punch never delivered?
Analysis
The aim was clearly
enunciated by the PM but in the heat of the battle everybody wanted to go for
the knockout punch. Selection and maintenance of aim is the prime principle of
war. Deviation or extension to aim can be disastrous if the conflict had
prolonged. It was the right decision. Another important aspect is ‘conflict
termination’. It must be when you have the upper hand. The message that next
time the response will be more punitive will remain with the adversary for a
long time.
Political: India showcased its firm resolve in not only countering terrorism but
also taking the battle to its perpetrators and states actively, using them as
an instrument of war. Pakistan’s nuclear bluff has been called out. Exposure of
the US’ secrets was perhaps a by-product. By holding Indus Water Treaty in
abeyance and getting leverage over water allocation to Pakistan as a
non-kinetic weapon to bring it to accountability has been a masterstroke.
Pakistan did not anticipate the level of response given that the treaty had
held true during last three wars.
Strategic communication was found wanting. Brilliance of military
accomplishments were diluted by inability to exploit the moral compass in
building global narrative in favour of India. The PM lost an opportunity in not
calling for a joint session of Parliament which could have condemned the
Pahalgam attack, strengthened his hands for a punitive action against Pakistan
with full support of all the political parties and showcase India’s resoluteness
against Pakistan’s support to terrorism.
Military: India’s home-grown technology stood the test of time, for now. BrahMos,
integrated air defence systems including anti-drone technology, electronic
warfare systems have proven that India is capable of indigenising its defence
requirements of modern day warfare. Seamless integrated operations across all
the three services paid rich dividends despite no theatre commands. Chinese and
Turkiye weapon systems bolstered the Pakistan’s war capability but were
effectively countered. Next round may witness a better technology with the
adversary and therefore the need to prepare accordingly.
Information Warfare: Lack of dissemination of information led to electronic and social media
going berserk. Not only it polluted the environment with misinformation but
thickened the fog of war which could have been avoided by official briefings by
the armed forces similar to those done during Kargil War. Reliability and
credibility of media houses has taken a nosedive. Symbolism has no place in
war/ conflicts. In armed forces briefings, women officers reading a prepared
script under the watchful eyes of the foreign secretary with no questions being
asked was a bad idea. Getting all three military operations head, as an afterthought,
was an overkill. By then the horses had bolted, relying on any information
available in the environment.
Defence experts were available dime a dozen. Freelancing such serious
business has its pitfalls and may well be restricted to well-known strategists
and defence research scholars. Media houses in their quest for eyeballs need to
look inwards.
Geopolitics
and South Asia
The global stage has
changed forever post the US elections. The allies and foes are getting aligned
and realigned in the aftermath of the tariff wars and public statements coming
out of the White House. The US is seeing retaliation from its closest allies
diminishing its stature as the only superpower in the world. China is seen as
effectively countering the US, blow for blow, and even coming out on top in
some areas. To understand how all this affects South Asia and especially India,
one has to dive into the history of global powers interference in South Asian
affairs to further their national interests.
US-Pakistan-China
Historically, the US has
always been aligned with Pakistan since independence. The non-alignment policy
of India to fiercely safeguard its newly acquired independence in 1947 was an
irritant in the quest for global domination by the US. Pakistan joined
alliances like Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty
Organisation (CENTO) and became the darling of the US and western powers.
Even so that in 1971, given the genocide perpetrated by Pakistan Army in
the then East Pakistan, the US stood with its ally threatening India of consequences
by sending its seventh fleet into the Bay of Bengal. That India came up trumps
was primarily due to the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)
coming to its aid. The Cold War entered the region. The US had armed Pakistan
with their latest equipment, but it was a body blow to the US standing in South
Asia. In 1974, when India carried out its nuclear test, the US immediately
imposed sanctions, making it clear its anti-India stance in global affairs. It
also turned a blind eye and ignored Pakistan’s clandestine acquisition of
nuclear technology, perhaps tacitly supporting it.
In 1979, the USSR invaded Afghanistan. Nothing would be the same
thereafter. The US propped up Pakistan as its key ally and started raising mujahideens
with their help. After a protracted 10-year war, the erstwhile USSR withdrew. The
US had achieved its aim. During this period deep-rooted bonds were established
between the US deep state and Pakistan’s military and Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI). A bond that still runs deep.
In 1998, India carried out nuclear tests again. But this time, Pakistan
duly aided by the US and China also followed suit. The US persuaded Pakistan to
store its warheads along with the US nuclear arsenal in Pakistan, thereby
effectively gaining control over the nukes.
Then, 2001 happened and once again Pakistan became a frontline state. The
US entered Afghanistan with global alliance on war against terror. The bonds
were rejuvenated. Pakistan became the darling of the West again. However, after
two decades the US also left Afghanistan in a humiliating manner. All this
while Pakistan had been double crossing the US and the Taliban. The US knew it
but turned a blind eye, perhaps due to its nuclear dimension.
While the US-Pakistan relations went into freeze, China stepped in with
economic and military aid to Pakistan. Thus Pakistan, which is now tied by the
Gordian Knot to both the super powers and each unable to unshackle itself, is
assured of its safety and security against Indian threat. This was articulated
by China in no uncertain terms.
In his book, Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, the United States, and
an Epic History of Misunderstanding, Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani
ambassador to the US and a prominent scholar, has explored the complex and
often duplicitous relationship between Pakistan and the US. He argues that ‘Pakistan
has adeptly leveraged its strategic position and nuclear capabilities to secure
military and economic aid from superpowers, particularly the US, while
simultaneously pursuing its own divergent interests that often run counter to
the interests of its benefactors.’
Indo-US
Relations
In the recent past, India
has cozied up to the US and the West in its quest for economic gains without
sacrificing its stated policy of retaining strategic sovereignty. However, this
makes India an unreliable partner in the eyes of the US and the West. The view is
further strengthened by its neutral stance (read pro Russia) in the on-going
conflict in Ukraine. India’s past relationship with Russia and its continued
preference for Russian weapons is seen as a stumbling block in developing close
relations with Western alliances. Buying cheap Russian oil despite the US
sanctions and political support to Russia is being interpreted as defiance of the
US-led coalition. The destruction of F-16s by India during Op Sindoor has
raised heckles in the military industrial complex too. So, is the current
guarded support to India in its ‘war against terror’ a fallout of India’s
policies?
India is, however, also seen as a potential lever against China, both
economically and militarily, and therefore a necessity for the US and the West.
India is being seen as a destination for diversifying the supply chain by the
US. This would hurt China and therefore China’s anti-India stance in its
foreign policy has come to the fore. Post the US elections, Trump-led tariff
war against China has also dragged India into an adversarial position vis-a-vis
the US.
The US is unable to ditch Pakistan due to nuclear and deep state
linkages and retention of some leverage to counter Chinese incursion into
Pakistani space. Therefore, overall future of Indo-US relations is likely to be
transactional with more emphasis on trade rather than based on moral compass.
China, meanwhile, understands the US compulsions and is taking advantage of the
scenario to corner India without fear of pushback from western powers.
Indo-Russia
Relations
Prolonged Ukraine war has
put Russia under stress militarily and economically, weakening its erstwhile
super power status and forcing it to put greater reliance on China. This has
dented the Indo-Russia relations which had stood the test of times for more
than five decades. While Russia may still support India in other forms but sale
of high-end technology and advanced weapon systems may be subject to China
test. The result will be a more transactional and limited defence relationship
between India and Russia, unlike the deep strategic trust of the past.
Indo-Pakistan
Relations
To forecast the future of
Indo-Pak relations, one has to view the past seven decades through the prism of
‘geopolitics of emotions’. Right from birth, Pakistan’s actions can be
attributed to its sheer hatred for India (read Hindus). All its actions, be it
horrors of the Partition, four wars in 1948,1965, 1971 and Kargil in 1999
respectively, terrorist attacks in Mumbai, on the Indian Parliament, Uri and
Pulwama are based on jealousy. It could not accept it being given a smaller part
of land and being denied its claim in Kashmir. To top it, the partition of
Pakistan by the Indian military in 1971 was a huge blow to its own army’s
reputation, which was running the country through coups. Its army has held this
grudge to avenge its loss by annexing Kashmir through indirect means. Singular
focus on Kashmir has ruined Pakistan without it knowing it. Pakistan’s public
has been fooled all this while. However, it boosted its investment in creating
a negative psyche of the nation. The asymmetric warfare in Afghanistan and
defeat of Soviet Union and the US gave them hope of victory against India too.
Kargil war and its continued reliance on state-sponsored terrorism to achieve
its political and military ambitions has left the nation on the brink of
collapse, only held together thanks to the doles from International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and World Bank.
On the other hand, India has always sent positive signals for a healthy
and mutually beneficial relationship. The Indus Water Treaty was in good faith
and is so enshrined in the treatise. But Lahore bus diplomacy resulted in
Kargil and PM Modi’s unplanned halt for Nawaz Sharif’s daughter’s marriage was
responded by Uri attack. The negativity espoused by the Pakistan Army against
India has devoured the nation. In contrast, India’s rapid progress post 1991
has left Pakistan way behind, forcing it to cling on to age-old disputes to get
a semblance of importance or a sense of parity. The jealousy has grown so much
that it has given way to outright hatred as evident from Asim Munir’s speech.
Prognosis
Operation Sindoor achieved its limited aim of showcasing
India’s resolve in its fight against terrorism, but the moot point is—will
anything change going forward? Maybe very little. The US and China will
continue their engagement with Pakistan by bailing it out every time there is a
financial crisis and providing military aid/ weapon systems to counter India’s
rise. Pakistan will continue state-sponsored terrorism against India, albeit
after a pause, given that Munir has been elevated to the post of Field Marshal.
The increasing coziness between China-Pakistan and Bangladesh will create a new
dimension in security challenges for India in the Northeast. India will
continue with its independent foreign and economic policy inviting guarded response
from the US and other western powers. Thus, relationships will be purely
transactional without strengthening strategic alignments.
Conclusion
India’s fight against
terrorism is on moral grounds. In geopolitical arena morality is based on harsh
realities of inter-state relations, threat to their security and economic
linkages. Pakistan, despite being exposed for its state-sponsored terrorism
time and again, still remains at the core of global support, both financially
and militarily, and therefore will be unfazed by the thrashing it has received
in Operation Sindoor. The next round will come sooner than later. India
has to focus on its defence budget and speed up the Aatmanirbharta
programme. India recognises this and rightly declared that Operation
Sindoor is still on.
Subscribe To Force
Fuel Fearless Journalism with Your Monthly Subscription
We don’t tell you how to do your job…
But we put the environment in which you do your job in perspective, so that when you step out you do so with the complete picture.